Qūnavī regarded it as the work of his life to complete what Ibn Sīnā had begun with his Ishrāqī vision of knowledge. First, share with Ibn Sīnā and Ibn 'Arabī the goal of representing the intellectual/spiritual journey in a coherent way.
In order for any kind of information or findings to be misunderstood to be understood, it must be able to be transmitted to others students, peers who think guesses, etc., rather than stored in an invisible mental ether, as it were.
Whatever the complexity of its technology, it had to have a purpose in time and space, though without losing sight of the origin of the knowledge.
He made his principles in a number of matters. Their concise and powerful statement contains the theoretical presentation of his magnum opus, "I'jāz al-bayān," a major theme containing the mysterious meaning of "Sūrat al-Fātiḥah," the first chapter of the Quran.
In that introduction, Qūnavī drafted a transformation from Avicenna's "theological science," ilm ilāhī, to another concept that one might call the "grammatical grammar," as he was gradually taught by Ibn 'Arabī.
For Ibn 'Arabī's followers, the “dictionary grammar” was particularly suited to the intricate spiritual movement, the “conversation” with God, and in the epistemological sense, “the true knowledge of realities,” the Qūnavī expression. regarded as the main inspiration of Avicennan.
Eager to preserve the transgression of the Godhead, but without erasing the actions or actions of man, Qūnavī understood that the knowledge of God through Him is the source of all knowledge.
Clearly, this formation and the accompanying lines seem to emphasize the inability of the individual to discover “the realities of things” himself, by his innate abilities.
In a symbolic way, a person's knowledge can be said to be based on the relationship between two different, unstoppable “truths”: the title and the object.
In view of the differences between the titles and the limitations of our power, how can we know “the facts”? This theme is found in almost all the works of Qūnavī. In his introduction, he discussed a few verses from Ibn Sīnā's "al-Ta'liqāt" writing book after his death.
The only source he referred to in Ibn Sīnā's writings on “real situations,” the Ta’liqāt contained the unequivocal notion that one could not know the real thing.
He took the same subject as Naṣīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī d. 672/1274 into fascinating philosophical literature, in which "tashkīk" "systematic ambiguity," the key to the concept of modern philosophy mathematically.
In that debate, our theologian sought to establish common ground with which to come to know God, a goal that he had in common with both philosophers and mystics.
In a broad sense, Qūnavī was able to deepen the transformation of the philosophical concepts initiated by his predecessors by a simple, undeniable fact:
the Peripatetic philosophical mindset could not really overcome the difference between subject and object the two most basic "realities" in all cognitive actions.
The focus of his work, on the other hand, was divine revelation. In this case, Ibn 'Arabī had used illogical thinking, often in connection with the outbreak of episodes.
In short, revealing the basic truth of all facts. To add to the principles of its revelation, he made full use of the concept of expression promoted by both the falsāsifah Greek Islamic philosophers of Islam, such as Ibn Sīnā, and many theologians.
But the new compilation, which he was most eager to explain in the "theological sciences," or 'ilm ilāhī, had to be properly connected to a sign that reflected the authenticity of the same element from which he was acquainted from the divine discourse, "the stories of God" to man. e.g., "Qur'ān".
He thus discovered in traditional thought the mysterious form of the exegetical grammar, with its “standard” or theoretical standard, with its own distinctive character.
The nature of intelligence In his official account of Konya's supernatural intellectuals, Aflākī portrayed a united community of mysterious minds and intellectuals of the supernatural spiritual mien in Konya.
However, the relentless migration to Anatolia had given the border capital a completely different character, enviing the envy of all inquisitive ones Muslims, Greeks, and Armenians but also countless enemies.
This was the time when Qūnavī's father, Majd al-Dīn Isḥāq, began his career as a politician and, reflecting the prevalence of superstition, earned him the status of spiritually respected man. On his return journey from the pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca, Isḥāq was accompanied by Muḥyiddīn Ibn 'Arabī, who developed a deep friendship with him.
When Isḥāq died, his friend reportedly became usingadr al-Dīn's stepfather by marrying his widowed mother. Although we do not have a definite confirmation of this marriage in the writings of Ibn 'Arabî or Qūnawî but we do know that Qūnawî became a close student of Ibn' Arabî and was given permission to teach all his works and the Anatolian character and tradition finally began to intensify.
To all of them, language was important as it was central to all spiritual and intellectual activity. We should only consider the linguistic origins of mysterious poets such as Rūmī, who contributed to the world development of the Persian literary genre.
Qūnavī's distinct tendency toward Arabic, on the other hand, put him at ease in the realm of high Arabic culture, even though his "mysterious language system" should not be confused with the common Arabic grammar.
