In a symbolic way, a person's knowledge can be said to be based on the relationship between two different, unstoppable “truths”: the title and the object.
In view of the differences between the titles and the limitations of our power, how can we know “the facts”? This theme is found in almost all the works of Qūnavī. In his introduction, he discussed a few verses from Ibn Sīnā's "al-Ta'liqāt" writing book after his death.
The only source on which Ibn Sīnā's words referred to “real situations,” the “Ta’liqāt” contained the unmistakable notion that one could not know the real thing.
He took the same subject as Naṣīr al-Dīn Ṭūsī d. 672/1274 into fascinating philosophical literature, in which "tashkīk" "systematic ambiguity," the key to the concept of modern philosophy mathematically.
In that debate, our theologian sought to establish common ground with which to come to know God, a goal that he had in common with both philosophers and mystics.
In a broad sense, Qūnavī was able to deepen the transformation of the philosophical concepts initiated by his predecessors by a simple, undeniable fact.
The Peripatetic philosophical mindset could not really overcome the difference between subject and object the two most basic "realities" in all cognitive actions.
The focus of his work, on the other hand, was divine revelation. In this case, Ibn 'Arabī had used illogical thinking, often in connection with the outbreak of episodes.
In short, revealing the basic truth of all facts. To add to the principles of its revelation, he made full use of the concept of expression promoted by both the falsāsifah Greek Islamic philosophers of Islam, such as Ibn Sīnā, and many Islamic theologians.
But the new compilation, which he was most eager to explain in the "theological sciences," or 'ilm ilāhī, had to be properly connected to a sign that reflected the authenticity of the same element from which he was acquainted from the divine discourse, "the stories of God" to man. e.g., "Qur'ān".
He thus discovered in traditional thinking a mysterious form of the adjective grammar, its “standard” or theoretical standard, with his own unique character.
In his historical account of the life of the Konya genius, Aflākī revealed a united society of mysteries. and the scholars of the mysterious spiritual mien in Konya.
However, the relentless migration to Anatolia had given the border capital a completely different character, making it the envy of all knowledge-seekers Muslims, Greeks, and Armenians but also countless enemies.
This was the time when Qūnavī's father, Majd al-Dīn Isḥāq, began his career as a politician and, reflecting the prevalence of superstition, earned him the status of spiritually respected man.
On his return journey from the pilgrimage to the holy city of Mecca, Isḥāq was accompanied by Muḥyiddīn Ibn 'Arabī, who developed a deep friendship with him.
When Isḥāq died, his friend reportedly became usingadr al-Dīn's stepfather by marrying his widowed mother. Although we have no definite confirmation of this marriage in the writings of Ibn 'Arabî or Qūnawî.
We do know that Qūnawî became a close student of Ibn' Arabî and was given permission to teach all his works and the Anatolian character and tradition finally began to intensify.
To all of them, language was important as it was central to all spiritual and intellectual activity.
We should only consider the linguistic origins of mysterious poets such as Rūmī, who contributed to the world development of the Persian literary genre.
Qūnavī's distinct tendency toward Arabic, on the other hand, put him at ease in the realm of high Arabic culture, even though his "mysterious language system" should not be confused with the standard Arabic grammar.
In part, Arabic provided Qūnavī with uninterrupted links with mainstream educational institutions Damascus, Aleppo, Cairo, etc, where religious science was taught almost exclusively in Arabic.
Previously Ayyūbids' schools and colleges were built in Syria and Egypt, where Arabic was read by people gathered from all over the Muslim world.
In his memoir, "al-Nafaāt al-ilāhīyah", Qūnavī notes how the subject of "al-kitābah al-ūlā al-ilāhīyah" the first divine text, an important element of his teaching came to him earlier. The version in the City of Damascus.
Damascus, by then, had developed a broader fraternal structure that was felt in the traditional lines of the law, even though the theology was more focused and more diverse than in Konya.
Special fields such as fundoadīth studies, in which Qūnavī was a principal and a teacher, reflected the strict standards of acceptance.
One of the most revered institutions, established in the early twelfth century, was Dār al-Ḥadīth al-Ashrafīyah, celebrated by its first shaykh Shāfi'ī muḥaddith Ibn al-Ṣāliḥ al-Shahrazūrī d. 643/1245.
Unlike Ibn 'Arabī, who prayed as Mālikī, Qūnavī was deeply involved in Shāfi'ī's legal studies, and his doctors were well represented in the schools.
But while the influences of influence were evenly distributed at the highest levels of scholarship in institutions such as Ashrafīyah, other scholars had a unique intellectual influence one outstanding.
An example was Abū Shāma, the official historian of Damascus who preserved history. close contact with the Mālikī gatherings from the Maghreb and Ibn 'Arabī himself.
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